Tuesday, April 30, 2013

The Mysterious Mrs Willy Grebst and her Daughter



Alone is strong!
The most famous of all Buddhist parables is that of the elephant and the blind men. It tells of the whim of a great Indian king who, for his own entertainment, gathered together a group of men who had been blind from birth and who had never encountered an elephant. He placed them around his own royal pachyderm and asked them to reach out and feel what was in front of them. They would be touching an elephant, he explained. Then he asked them to describe to him what an elephant was. The blind man standing behind the elephant took hold of its tail. An elephant, he said, is like a broom with a long handle and a brush at the bottom. The blind man standing beside the elephant touched its leg. An elephant, he said, is like the column of a great building. The blind man standing near the elephant’s head touched its ear. An elephant, he said, is like a big flat winnowing basket. The blind man standing in front of the elephant touched its tusk. An elephant, he said, is like a ploughshare. Upon hearing all these different answers, the blind men began to quarrel amongst themselves about who was right and who was wrong. And the great king laughed at their ignorance.
As a native English-speaking writer researching the life of Willy Andersson Grebst from distant Australia with limited resources, I was one of the blind men standing around the elephant. And what I felt with my hands told me that an elephant is definitely homosexual. “So what!” you say. And I do take your point – although you have to remember that we are dealing with Gothenburg in the early 1900s when the boundaries of social morality were significantly different from those we deal with today. As a Buddhist, too, I see the mind of an “ignorant worldling” such as myself as a swirling cesspit of unwholesome thoughts of many shades and varieties, occasionally interrupted by a wholesome thought, a moment of clarity or wisdom. So it doesn’t surprise me when these silly judgements spring up seemingly out of nowhere. From what I had before me, Willy seemed so much like the classic artistic bachelor uncle. There was no mention of wives and children. Not even in the emotionally charged obituary that was published in his beloved newspaper Vidi – a gushing obituary written by a distraught man who had been one of the first persons Willy called to his side when struck by his fatal illness and who subsequently helped nurse him to his death. The dying man had agonised long and hard over whether Vidi should go to the grave with him but no, in the end, he handed the editorship over to his friend for safekeeping. On the internet, I found an article by a gay historian arguing that Willy’s male associate, the new editor of Vidi, was a closet gay of the nasty self-hating kind.[1] So, from afar, the whole thing seemed pretty straightforward: Willy was gay. That was my mindset and, like all creeping mindsets, it expanded to fill in the many blanks of the story with whatever it saw fit, including all the usual John Inman and Dick Emery “Honky Tonks” stereotypes that the 1960s English-speaking generations were raised on.

Then I arrived in Sweden and cold new winds began to blow. One of the priorities high on my list was to acquaint myself with Vidi. Had Hans Erikson been submitting articles to it from Australia as he had once claimed? I learned that the University of Gothenburg held a complete set of Vidi on microfiche. So I found the library building in the vicinity of Haga Cathedral and helped myself to one of the microfiche readers and the tapes. The very first edition of Vidi I stumbled upon had an advertisement for Willy’s book, My Little Princess [Min lilla prinsessan] stating that it was based upon his relationship with his daughter. A daughter? Then, in Vidi of 9 April 1919, he printed an article about his adventures in Manly, Sydney on a day when his wife refused to leave the hotel because of oppressive heat. A wife? The picture was becoming muddier and muddier.

Vidi itself showed no signs of being sexually ambivalent - quite the contrary, as a matter of fact. On the front page of each and every edition published by Willy was an article and photograph of some pretty, charming or glamorous belle he had met and chatted with at the Hindås Tourist Hotel or on his travels. A pretty young miss who wanted to become a dancer and was seeking his advice on the choice of a teacher. That sort of thing. He very much gave the impression of being a ladies’ man and, dare I say it, a flirt. The newspaper was sprinkled with columns of witticisms about female psychology and jokes about male-female miscommunication. When I later read Willy’s book about his honeymoon to Tierra del Fuego, it became clear that he saw females as another species altogether: their manner of thinking was a total mystery to him and a constant source of grief flowed from the forthright tongue of his beloved who was quick to take exception to his many innocent blunders. The most intriguing blunder of all was seemingly made by both of them. They travelled through morally conservative, Catholic South America not wearing wedding rings and he inevitably slipped up by referring to her as señorita instead of señora:


It was not like I exerted myself for as long as possible to put off going to bed. Senor Villegas helped me. He saw the lay of the land. The inevitable moment finally arrived. I plucked up as much courage as I could and decided not to restrain myself. Did I have to run around and show our marriage certificate to every idiot in South America who doubted that we were truly married? I could frame it and hang it on a string around my neck! One shouldn’t be too sensitive out here in the wilds. One needs a thick skin and not to bother if people talk nonsense. But my wife was not of the same view. She gave me a proper dressing down. First, again, because I had been so thoughtless as to call her senorita. Then because I have been “disobedient”. The least a woman can ask of her husband was blind and unquestioning obedience, she said. How could she otherwise put up with him? If he goes around and thinks that he can do what he wants? If he doesn’t realise that it is in his own best interests not to say or do anything without first being told? I don’t understand. Was it not so simple that my dim mind could grasp it? I kept my cool. Despite the taunt about my dim mind. As I reiterated at this point, a wise sincere man should remain silent and let his wife talk till she is finished. It gives her mental relief. It achieves nothing to argue. If a woman sees a certain thing in a certain way, no arguments help. Nothing other than time can satisfy her that she is possibly wrong. So I alone took all the blame for what had happened.  I explained that she was completely correct and that I, as usual, had behaved like a fool. I ought to go down to the cabins and wake our fellow passengers up one after the other. I wouldn’t let them escape until they had learnt our marriage certificate by heart. If they were unwilling, I would threaten them with a gun. My wife darkened. She wanted only to be sure that I admitted that I was foolish not to want to behave like other sensible men. I agreed even to this. One should do as the crowd does and not emancipate oneself. The world endures no disobedience. It wants to have everyone the same. It wants to have as little difficulty as possible with individuality. In this manner, I was defeated. But inside I saw it as a victory. I had avoided a conflict. He who yields in this world is a wise man, goes an Indian saying. He who defies, a fool. This I learned through marriage.[2]

So now I had to deal with the existence of a Mrs Willy Grebst and a daughter. This struck me as being particularly odd because of what Hans Erikson had written in The Rhythm of the Shoe. Erikson stated that he was the sole beneficiary of his Uncle Willy’s estate. “All his wealth he bequeathed to me,” Erikson wrote.[3] He said nothing of Willy having a wife and daughter, his cousin. The estate comprised a stamp collection second only in quality to the King of England’s and a rare and expensive collection of jade and ivories. When the time came for the estate to be liquidated on Erikson’s attainment of his majority, he fully expected to become a millionaire overnight. But why would Willy pass his entire estate to his nephew when he himself had a wife and daughter: a child who was “his little princess”? It just didn’t make sense.
Nevertheless, I scoured the sources available to me for information about the wife and daughter. It was a frustrating exercise. They are not mentioned on Willy’s mausoleum and nothing at all was said of them in his Vidi obituary or the brief Dagens Nyheter note of his death. They are not mentioned in the Swedish Writers’ Lexicon biography. I now knew that Willy had written two books about the adventures of he and his wife on their farm in the Rocky Mountains. The books were set around 1910 and were published in 1912 and 1913. I expect that Anders Källgård and Bengt Öhnander were relying on these works when they stated that Willy’s wife was an American. Willy’s honeymoon to Tierra del Fuego took place in 1906. I myself have read this book but remain confused about his wife. We are never told her name. Is it safe to assume she didn’t speak Swedish? As an American, English would be her mother tongue. But we are not told what other language or languages she could speak with one notable exception: at a delicate moment in the book, she spoke to her husband with displeasure in German. The book also contains reference to a marriage certificate obtained in Berlin. Willy had studied in Germany and certainly spoke the language. Perhaps they met and married in Germany? Öhnander, however, implies that the wedding took place in America.[4] The honeymoon book contains two photographs where Willy’s wife is captioned and two others uncaptioned that she appears to be in. They are distant shots and whilst she is clearly Caucasian, it is hard to make out her features. We see her hatted and formally dressed, relaxing in an armchair and being entertained by the Governor of Uschuaia and his wife. Then we see her formally dressed, her shortish frame mounted on a beautiful piebald horse.

And what of Willy’s daughter? Öhnander threw me into total confusion by writing that she was born in 1917. I wonder where he got that date from? If it is correct, Willy’s wife and daughter were surely on the scene in Sweden at least three years before Willy’s death and Hans Erikson’s “running off to sea” in 1920. Did they visit him when he was dying? Were they present at the funeral in the Gustavi Cathedral? Did Hans Erikson know his little girl cousin? And what became of her? What terrible tragedy or family schism caused mother and child to “disappear”? The questions just keep coming.

If we are to believe Willy’s account of his honeymoon, his marriage did seem to get off to a rocky start and one can easily imagine it splitting asunder after years of the kind of bitter arguments the newly weds were quickly having. Willy’s personal motto was “alone is strong” and nowhere do I get the feeling that he ever saw himself as part of a loving team with “a good woman” standing behind him, backing him all the way. He strikes me as a loner, through and through. Divorcees often despise their ex-spouses but it takes a cold heart to completely walk away from a child, your own flesh and blood. Did Willy have such a cold heart? Despite all his bluster and disputation, he clearly held a deep community spirit and was happy to spring to the defence of the poor, the sick and the lonely. But one also gets the impression that he bore grudges and could be consumed by them. His hatred of Göteborgs Posten is the classic example; the newspaper ended up suing him for slander in 1917 as a result of which he was sentenced to one month’s imprisonment. Perhaps he and his wife split so bitterly that he lost all perspective and gave his estate to his nephew as an act of spite? Perhaps we will never know.
I share with Willy Grebst the burden of having too active an imagination. Despite the paucity of my resources and the resulting inadequacy of my research, I couldn’t help wondering if Willy’s wife and daughter were real. Could they have been mere figments of his public imagination, a ruse to disguise his closet homosexuality. Sounds crazy, doesn’t it. But don’t forget that we are talking about someone of exceptional bravado here. Did Willy, as alleged, write a book-length “eye-witness account” of the 1908 Messina earthquake disaster purely from reading news despatches and embellishing them with his rich imagination? If he did, just imagine the gall required to do such a thing, to live a lie so publicly and so flagrantly. Writing an “on the scene” account of Messina’s misery from that cosy little grey cottage at Hindås in Sweden! The cheek of it!

It has been argued (not by me) that Willy’s close friend, Barthold Lundén - to whom he entrusted the editorship of his beloved Vidi – was a repressed homosexual who (after Willy’s death) desperately tried to deflect detection by publicly railing against homosexuality and male prostitution. Lundén’s anti-gay campaign began when he published an account of his being molested [antastad] by a 17 year old male prostitute while taking a stroll near the Great Theatre [Stora Teartern]. “The cheek of you!” Lundén had shouted as he tried to grab the miscreant. He described the feeling of nausea that struck him when he touched the young man. Nils Weijdegård has suggested an alternative interpretation of this encounter: that Lundén was actually eliciting sex in a known gay beat, was seen doing so and was panicked into acting out a case of molestation and writing about it to stifle any rumour mongering. So, was Lundén a repressed homosexual? Were he and Willy secret gay lovers who went to great lengths to conceal their “love that dare not speak its name”? Including inventing a happy hetero-family for Willy?

Whoa! Okay, I accept that this theory is “over the top” and well beyond the hard evidence. It could probably be very easily debunked by someone with the time to plough through contemporary records back in Gothenburg. So we have turned a full circle and come back to the nagging problem we started with: what became of Mrs Willy Grebst and the little princess? The challenge is there for interested Swedes! To Willy’s ghost, if he is planning on haunting me for raising the question of his sexuality, I can only say in my defence that I would never have entertained it but for the Messina earthquake controversy and my own Grebst-like imagination. Sorry!

To conclude this discussion of Willy’s sexuality and the role it played in shaping his behaviour, we must deal with his erotica and romance writing. It is typically straight and tame and sugar-coated - like the “Story from Tahiti” he unsuccessfully tried to finish on his deathbed. It interweaves several hetero-romances including that of Nature Man and his fickle girlfriend, Maara, who had grown tired of the relationship and was thus happy to escort Willy back to Papeete without so much as a backward glance at her former lover (a comment on female psychology perhaps?). The writer’s energy faded, however, and the story was never finished. Although no great loss to Swedish literature, it was a source of disappointment to many Vidi readers who were left “hanging.” Whatever happened to Salott, Geheri and Choo Chong? Did love triumph? I have the impression that this stuff was primarily written to interest women but, of course, gay male readers can imagine themselves in any role they desire. At the end of the day, Willy’s erotica, whilst demonstrating a keen interest in human sexuality, proves nothing about his own sexual inclinations. He was an artistic man mixing in artistic circles and, in my mind’s eye, I have no difficulty seeing him as a Gore Vidal bisexual who minded his own business. Maybe I should do the same?



[1] Nils Weijdegård, ”Barthold Lunden - en gåtfull göteborgare,” www.rfsl.se
[2] Willy Andersson Grebst, En bröllopsresa i Eldslandet (Göteborg Förlagsaktiebolaget Västra Sverige, 1913) pp 166-168, translated by A. Thelander
[3] TROTS p. 71
[4] Bengt A. Öhnander, Göteborg Berättar Ännu Mer (Tre Böcker Förlag AB, 1992) p. 72

Monday, April 29, 2013

Grebst and Erikson on Missionaries and Native Peoples


“Let them live their healthy natural lives in the way that Our Lord certainly intended when he placed them where they are.”
- Willy Andersson Grebst, A Honeymoon in Tierra del Fuego

Lars Olof Grebst would have been familiar with his Uncle Willy’s published books. To me, that’s a no-brainer. Surely he would have read them all and sat through many family gatherings dominated by his extroverted uncle waxing lyrical about reselifvet [the travelling life]. Perhaps his uncle’s erotic poems and tales of love in the Pacific helped set him on the road to becoming the chauvinistic womaniser he was in his adult life. Putting all speculation aside, the best indications we have that Lars Olof was familiar with Willy’s books are the strong similarities between their views on the work of European missionaries in the New World. They were both highly critical of missionary work and its often tragic results for the newly converted.
In A Honeymoon in Tierra del Fuego, Willy Grebst describes his first encounter with the Yaghan Indians:

We had cast anchor before we had a visit. A clumsy canoe appeared from the largest of the islands. It quickly closed on us. We could see that it was cut out of a single tree trunk. Between the stick seats a little fire burned in a bed of shells, pebbles and dirt. And the crew consisted of three Yaghan Indians.
We stood on the bridge and watched them. They were the ugliest, dirtiest, most wretched “red skins” I had ever seen. They wore greasy shirts, caps and trousers. As they neared, they held up some arrows with glass tips made from bottles, some fishhooks and a pair of braided grass baskets. They wanted to trade them for tobacco and snaps.
We let them come on board in order to get a closer look at them. They had small builds and crooked bones. Their faces were remarkably dull, almost animalistic. We could well understand how Darwin could believe that in them he had discovered Humanity’s lowest order or even “the missing link.”
The Yaghan Indians were originally a hardy people. They live along the southern part of Tierra del Fuego’s islands and exist on mussels, fish, seal meat, berries and mushrooms. The food is not consumed raw without cooking as with some other hunters and gatherers. Birds for example are gutted and filled with hot stones and then bedded down in hot ashes. Their houses are fixed hovels and they live in groups of twenty to thirty families. They go naked even during the severe winter. Generation upon generation of hardy ancestors have made them so resistant that they soon endured it and stayed healthy. But then the Spanish “civilization” arrived. They were hunted down like dumb animals and mass murdered. Then the English missionaries followed. They received clothes and died of pneumonia and consumption. They learnt how to drink themselves to death. Their population plummeted. Around 1870 there were estimated to be around three thousand. Fourteen years later only nine hundred and fifty were left. And today the tribe is only a fraction at two hundred and fifty.
Nearly all Yaghan Indians are nominally Christian. The Bible is translated into their language which is curiously rich and has around forty thousand words. In return for their Christianity which they never learned to understand, they got to work for the missionaries. The only practical wages they earn are food and clothing. And they only receive them scantily. The later years, as I said before, have been directly harmful. The whole system invites much reflection. What’s the use in converting these heathens? Are there not other more worthy fields for bettering and educating work? Doesn’t the white race have its own social proletariat that could draw more use from its help than these otherwise doomed and wretched half-humans?
We went in the canoe back to shore. On the beach stood two wigwams covered with animal skins and turf. Outside was a dirty woman in a ragged skirt and blouse. Her hair hung unkempt over her neck. She was afraid and didn’t want to be photographed. It took much discussion and a whole peso before she would agree. Then she collected up the children under her wing. When the solemn occasion was luckily over, she seemed more than pleased.
Senor Villegas showed us some mussel banks on the beach. All the mussels were gone.
“The Yaghans have lived here for many years,” he said. “These banks are a sure sign of that. They are never far from the camping grounds.”
My wife wanted to go back on board. She thought it was distressing to see these miserable people.
“It is doubly bad when we ourselves are fortunate,” she said. “Give them something, something that will help keep them going.”
Her utterance delighted me. It was fine and beautiful. How many of us sympathise with our fellow humans’ ill fortune and misery while we ourselves are fortunate? Fortune leads to selfishness. It is most often first an accident to oneself that teaches one to understand that there are also others who suffer.[1]

On the same journey, Grebst was more impressed with the Ona Indians but just as disapproving of the efforts of the missionaries:

We went out with Lucas Bridge and soon found ourselves among the Indians. They were on a hill under some mighty trees and looked to be holding some sort of meeting. The men were big, strong, broad shouldered fellows, red-brown like bronze and with far from unpleasant faces. Lines were marked, eyes big and round. Their teeth were faultless. Their jaws were powerful. They were naked except for a little cap of guanaco hide on the head and a cover of the same material which they threw over their shoulders and held in place with their hands. Their hair hung in a rough, straight fringe down to the eyes. Their hands and especially their feet were very large. The men carried bows that were as tall as themselves with strings of guanaco sinew. The women held their little children on their arms under the guanaco hide. They wore necklaces of pips, seeds and mollusc shells around their necks and sinew bracelets around their wrists. They had happy smooth faces but yet not always as pleasant as the men. They became grimly serious while we studied them with wonder. Is it really possible, we thought, that these wiry giants in comparison with which one such as the stately Fortunatis appears small, have so little powers of resistance when they become “civilised”? Is it not such a shame that they do not get to stay as they were? Is it not sad that our white “culture bearers” cannot spare them and let them live their healthy natural lives in the way that Our Lord certainly intended when he placed them where they are?
Travellers of old described the Ona Indians as being a completely unnatural size. This is an exceptional case. On average, they are one and three quarter metres tall which is more than among some white races. But in spite of their exceptional height, they are not as one would want to think inharmoniously developed. All the parts of the body are coordinated and possess a vitality and endurance that is remarkable. This is also due to the life they lead. They are always on the move and on the lookout moving from one place to the next. As a result, their belongings are also as primitive as can be. Hut, tent, wigwam or whatever you want to call their shelters consist of a number of thin stakes pushed into the ground and covered with twigs and branches and some guanaco skin against the direction the wind is blowing from. Under this simple protection, they spend even the coldest of nights, nights that in winter are often extremely stormy and only fourteen or fifteen degrees.
The Ona Indians’ clothes are as simple as their shelters. The cloak is of either guanaco skin or fox. When the men warm themselves around a fire, they take them off and drape them around the hips. Really old people in the families who live well inland are said to also make use of a kind of sock made from bound guanaco skin. Other kinds of clothes are neither known nor needed so hardened have the Indians become over many generations. The women decorate themselves with adornments of bone and shell or feathers and seeds and pips. But these adornments are extremely simple. The rest sit wholly artless apart from twined guanaco sinew draped around the throat and hands and feet.
The domestic objects the Ona Indians use are easily counted. They cook on bare earth. The fire is lit with the help of a piece of flint, some tinder and a little bit of pyrite. Their diet consists mainly of guanaco tuco-tuco and whale meat. Even fried rat is not rejected, the same with birds that are caught in traps made of whale bone. For variety in the meat diet, they have fish. They set particular value upon mussels. They also have birds’ eggs, mushrooms, berry stems of different plants and roots. All this is washed down with water. They don’t know any other drink – at least not in their natural state. Even in a “civilised” state, they have gone no further than having knowledge of whiskey and stronger drinks.
Among household utensils of note are baskets of braided grass and bone eating forks that can also be used as knives. An odd little board about two feet long that is pushed down into the ground is used when the mothers have things to do such that they cannot hold their little ones on their arms. They tie the little ones securely to the board and so keep them there safely while they finish their other activities.
Intellectually, the Ona Indians are not as low as one would perhaps want to suppose. Certainly they have no understanding of god and practise polygamy. Mr Bridge informed us that they had a strong and pronounced adaptability and a good ear for language. He had employed many Indians of both sexes. It had never taken them long to know what was being demanded of them. They were willing and good-natured. If they had received a punishment, they took it ad notam if it was just, not showing any desire for revenge. The whole time they were “civilized” to a large extent. It was only to their harm that this was not discovered earlier.
But the white men who first came in contact with the Ona Indians were rough gold diggers and other ruthless adventurers. They treated the natives with vicious disregard. Not understanding their customs and outlook, they inflicted on them the cruellest of acts for things that, in the Indians’ eyes, were not intended to be wrong or unfriendly. The Ona men had always deferred even when they were in good numbers. What could they achieve with their arrows against the white man’s bullets and gunpowder? What did they know about war making? How could they despite their wonderful ability to run quickly over long distances escape when the white invaders set after them on horseback? There is no use anyone denying that the white race is a cruel race. The whole history of discovery gives witness to this. The whole world colonisation. The white man has beaten his way through with the sword. A wide river of innocent spilled blood marks the pathway he trod to spread his civilisation. Then, when it was too late, he shifted to more gentle exploitative methods. The issue needs examination and I come back to what I suggested before: what is it about a civilisation that acts by demanding that all races should adopt its customs, its clothes, its mindset whether they fit the conditions or not? When one knows the consequences, can it be called anything other than murder? Oh how Our Lord in heaven must have been happy with the poor dark lost souls that the missionaries won for him. But I wonder if He – the God of Love – did not then weep bitterly for all those that perished of diseases through the power of nature and which the missionaries were the direct cause of.[2]

Grebst’s reaction to the native Tierra del Fuegans is a mixed bag and quite similar to Charles Darwin’s reaction when he met the Yaghans 74 years earlier. Darwin viewed them as “miserable, degraded savages” but was amazed at the change in three individuals being repatriated on the Beagle after a civilizing visit to England. Grebst was shocked by the misery of the natives’ existence but at the same time impressed by their ability to survive in such a severe environment. They went around practically naked in a climate that could plummet to minus ten degrees Celsius in winter. Counter-intuitively, he reports that the missionaries providing clothes to the natives was damaging to their health rather than beneficial. The use of clothing, he says, was a precursor to getting pneumonia and consumption. The very same argument was used by Lars Olof Grebst in his attack upon the missionaries of Central Australia in 1935: “The missionaries, with mistaken solicitude, are killing [the Aborigines] off by degrees. They give them clothes and the blackfellow is very proud of his clothes. He will wear them until they nearly fly off him. He gets diseased and, when he takes them off, he gets a cold and then consumption and dies.”[3]

Another notable similarity between the outlook of uncle and nephew is their attention to the “curious” richness of the native languages. Willy Grebst found much to admire in the fact that the harsh environment of the animal-faced “half-human” Yaghans hadn’t kept them stupid: they had developed a 40,000-word language. Writing as Eskil Sundström in Göteborgs Posten, Lars Olof acknowledged linguistic research in Africa indicating that the “black man” possessed language capabilities just as sophisticated as those of the European. Both Grebsts agreed that the European colonization of the New World resulted in a murderous exploitation of native peoples and was a challenge to the conscience of the Christian world.

Could this be mere coincidence? Or could it be the travels of a nephew verifying the experiences of his beloved uncle and then matching his outspokenness? Clearly the latter, methinks.



[1] Willy Andersson Grebst, En bröllopsresa i Eldslandet (Göteborg Förlagsaktiebolaget Västra Sverige, 1913) pp 126-127, translated by A. Thelander
[2]Willy Andersson Grebst, ibid., pp 177-185, translated by A. Thelander
[3] Sunday Sun, 31 March 1935 “White Men, Black Women: Grave Charges”

Sunday, April 28, 2013

The Career of Willy Andersson Grebst


Gothenburg is to the Grebsts what Mauritius is to dodos. It is the place where their absence hangs shamefully in the air. When I visited the city in the spring of 2011, I expected to uncover a treasure trove of information about them. My starting point was a quick check of the telephone directory. This revealed not a single Grebst listed for the region. Not to worry, I next decided to hit the antiquarian bookshops and buy up as many Willy Andersson Grebst titles as I could get my hands on. I wrote out a list of all the bookshops in the city, studied my map to locate them and then confidently jumped on the tram network. I was shell-shocked to discover that not a single bookshop owner had even heard of the name Willy Andersson Grebst. “He’s listed in the Swedish Writers’ Lexicon,” I pointed out. “And he wrote one of the first ever novels about the sinking of the Titanic.” They all shook their heads. One owner, halfway through his morning tea, even seemed annoyed at me for posing such an obscure question. “Grebst? That’s not a Swedish name,” he snapped. He did humour me by making a call to a more knowledgeable colleague but when it drew a blank, he grumpily went back to his food with a dismissive wave of the hand. I returned to my hotel that day without even having set eyes upon a single Grebst book.

Of course, Grebst isn’t a Swedish name; it’s German like the name Engelbrecht. Germans have been migrating to Sweden since the Middle Ages and just as the rebel Engelbrecht was one of the great heroes of Swedish history, the Grebsts I was researching were Swedish to the core and exceedingly proud of it. The German roots of their surname are now lost in the mists of time.

Why was I so surprised that nobody in Gothenburg recognised the name? To begin with, it made me feel damn silly. I had just flown halfway around the globe expecting to dive into a pool of information only to find that the pool was empty. Ouch. But it wasn’t just my fault, surely? I mean, both Willy Andersson Grebst and his brother Harald Grebst were published writers. Willy was a prolific poet and author of novels, travelogues and screenplays. He founded the notorious boulevard newspaper, Vidi, and was an actor in one of the earliest Swedish films. His funeral in 1920 packed out the Gustavi Cathedral. It is hard to imagine anybody living in Gothenburg in the first two decades of the twentieth century not knowing the name Grebst. The city’s popular local historian, Bengt Öhnander, does acknowledge Willy Grebst but describes him in typical Swedish understatement as “a controversial gentleman.”[1] Towards the very end of my 2011 visit to Gothenburg, I came across an article by Anders Källgård that begins: “Today he is forgotten: Willy A:son Grebst. His books can be found in scrapheaps in the second-hand markets and the cheapest shelves in antiquarian bookstores.”[2] Not even that, I thought. Even the city library disappointed me; it only held two of his titles: Grängesberg and Bread. Gothenburg today has frostily turned her back on the Grebst dynasty. Is there any reason for this total snub? Can one imagine Dublin erasing all references to James Joyce? Or bookshop owners in Melbourne saying of Peter Carey, “Nuh, never heard of him”? What, if anything, did the Grebsts do to make their beloved home-city blush and avert her eyes at the mere mention of their name?

Before tackling these intriguing questions, we need to cover some basics: who were the Grebsts? The Swedish Writers’ Lexicon records that William (Willy) Daniel August Grebst [pseudonym: Billy Buss] was born in Gothenburg on 24 November 1875 to Consul Axel Olof Andersson and Clara Seelig.[3] The date of birth is probably wrong; Willy’s gravestone states 21 November 1875. Everyone agrees he died on 16 September 1920. It seems that Clara Seelig had some Jewish blood in her veins, a sensitive issue in right-wing families prior to World War 2 and I do not know what became of her. Consul Andersson later married Maria Lovisa Grebst who gave birth to Sylva Teodora Grebst in Gothenburg on 3 May 1884. Most likely Maria was also mother to Willy’s half-brother, Harald Axel Grebst, who ultimately took over his father’s role as Consul to Cuba. Harald married Wally Amalia Klatzö and they had two children, a daughter Menja and a son Lars Olof born on 13 January 1906. It was Lars Olof Grebst who would ultimately end up in Australia and change his name to Hans Erikson.

The leading light of the Grebst dynasty was undoubtedly “controversial” Willy. And it is clear that this peculiar character had a huge impact upon his sickly nephew, Lars Olof, an impact that would play out over the course of his lifetime. The clash between Lars Olof Grebst and the Australian government in 1935 has Uncle Willy’s fingerprints all over it. To recognise them properly, we need to acquaint ourselves with that flyttfågel [migratory bird] of Swedish writing in the early twentieth century, Willy Andersson Grebst.
W A Grebst cycling in Japan
As I review my notes to begin writing this section, I am stunned by how prolific a writer Grebst was. He really churned the words out from his mid-twenties on. Some say his enormous output was at the expense of quality and he is certainly not counted today among the greats of Swedish literature. You won’t find him in any anthology of Swedish writing. Grebst’s first publication was in 1900, a small collection of poetry entitled You who replenish my whole existence with your stimulating presence [Dig som uppfyller hela min tillvaro med din sinnena retande närvaro]. If this sounds a bit erotic, it probably was. Then came Poems [Dikter] in 1903. The poet then seems to have been overtaken by a desire for travel and a shift to prose. Two titles appeared in 1908: Grängesberg: A Tale from the Crisis Years [Grängesberg: en berättelse från krisåren] and Savage Life: South Pacific Tales [Vildt Lif: Söderhafs Berättelser]. Grängesberg is an account of life in Sweden at the time and Savage Life a collection of eight short stories of the author’s travels in the South Pacific in which he describes the characters he stumbled across, mainly European misfits “gone native” and their unusual lives. I read the tales as being factually based and not fictional although they most certainly contain exaggerations and embellishments.

On 28 December 1908, the city of Messina on Sicily was devastated by a massive earthquake. About 91 per cent of its buildings collapsed killing over 70,000 people. Grebst was engaged by the Göteborgs Posten newspaper to report from the disaster zone and they published several of his despatches. However, word soon reached the editor that their “foreign correspondent” was still happily ensconced in Gothenburg – at Kungsbacka and his beloved little grey cottage at Hindås. Grebst was confronted about this and explained that he had made a lightning visit to Messina and written most of his despatches on the journey home. I don’t suppose we will ever know if he did actually visit Messina or simply “knocked up” an account from press reports and his own vivid imagination. However, the fact that he was quite open to bending the truth makes it difficult to interpret his other writings. Can we trust them? His full “eye witness” account of the Messina tragedy was published in 1909 as When the World’s Foundations Move: Messina’s Destruction: the World’s Greatest Natural Disaster in Historical Times [När jordens grundvalar bäfva: Messinas undergång: världens största naturkatastrof i historisk tid]. The Messina assignment soured his relationship with Göteborgs Posten, a relationship that would become toxic in the years ahead. His other 1909 titles were Red Nights [Röda nätter] and In the Land of the Rising Sun – By Velociped Through Japan [I soluppgångens land – på velociped genom Japan]. This last account follows Grebst’s intrepid bicycle journey from Yokohama to the ancient Tokaido region in which he experienced both the ancient and the modern Japan.

1910 saw the publication of Happy Days: Sunny Memories from Samoa [Lyckliga Dagar: Solskensminnen från Samoa]. No titles were released in 1911 but this was just the calm before the storm. In 1912, an incredible five titles appeared including the novel for which forgotten Grebst is most remembered. It was based on the most reported event of 1912: the loss of the Titanic on 15 April. Grebst responded to the tragedy by churning out Fatal Voyage: A Romanticised Account of the Loss of the Titanic [Dödsfärden: en romantiserad skildring af Titanics undergång]. It appears to have been the world’s very first Titanic novel and, according to Peter Björkfors, was comprehensively plagiarised by a Finn, Esko Waltala, the following year. He simply replaced all the Swedish characters with Finnish ones. Björkfors also writes: “one particular incident pertaining to Grebst’s book has been documented: a Carl Eriksson from Gothenburg reacted strongly to the novel’s vicious treatment of Bruce Ismay in the book. Eriksson notified Grebst that he had sent Ismay a translation of certain condemning passages from Dödsfärden, and that, with Ismay’s consent, a lawsuit for slander would be filed against Grebst. In all likelihood, this remained an empty threat, since nothing more was heard about the case.”[4] Despite the English-speaking world’s fascination with the Titanic disaster, the novel was never translated into English and has remained largely unknown. Part of the reason for this may be Grebst’s Swede-centric style and focus. Björkfors quotes from Fatal Voyage where the father of engineer Gustav Larsson bids his son farewell entreating him to “never forget that you are a Swede and that all around the world that stands for honour and capability, loyalty and manliness.” Other Swedish national virtues are, it seems, modesty, morality, faith in God, hard work and a sense of adventure. I have no doubt that Grebst believed in this type of nationalist propaganda – he certainly wouldn’t have been alone – and that he imparted it to his young nephew Lars Olof to the extent that, although Lars Olof refused to ever leave Australia and return to Sweden, he also refused to give up his Swedish citizenship. He “never forgot” that he was a Swede.
Another of Willy Andersson Grebst’s 1912 books is one the Swedish Foreign Office has been regretting ever since. Sadly for Swedish-Korean diplomacy, Grebst visited Korea in 1904-1905 using a false name and wrote about it in In Korea: Memories and Studies from The Land of the Morning Calm [I Korea: minnen och studier från Morgonstillhetens land]. As usual, he didn’t hold back. Tobias Hubinette (who has done much research into the extreme Right in Sweden) writes:

On Christmas Eve 1904, Grebst boards a ship leaving Japan and Nagasaki behind after having received permission to visit Korea. Upon arrival in Pusan, he is surprised by the number of Chinese and Japanese fishing boats, which for Grebst proves that the Koreans are the “world’s laziest people” as they cannot take care of the riches of the sea themselves. As Grebst is taking a walk through Pusan, he is struck by the “ever-present filth”, contrasted by the cleanliness of the Japanese area: “The expansion of the vital Japanese race makes the extinction of the Koreans almost necessary.” The Korean women appear in the eyes of Grebst as “very ugly”.
Grebst utilizes the passenger train to Seoul, and during the trip he spends time with a Japanese army captain who insists that the Koreans have “no future” and thus are “doomed to extinction”. In Seoul, he hires a room at Station Hotel, owned by an English missionary, and is bestowed a Korean “boy” as his guide. On New Year’s Eve, he is invited to the German Embassy where he befriends the famous Dr. Wunsch who works as a medical doctor for emperor Kojong’s court. Through his acquaintance with Dr. Wunsch, he is invited to the funeral of the crown princess in January of 1905 and gets permission to meet the emperor himself. The audience at Kyongbokkung is for Grebst like a “dream”, a visit at an “Oriental court” just like in the fairytale: “Oriental splendor and magnificence, a group of eunuchs and an army of coolies.” Grebst pities the emperor who is on his way of losing his country to Japan, while the crown prince is “ugly”, looking like an “evil pig”: “The last male offspring of a degenerated house!” The struggle for independence is ever-present in the Korean capital as Grebst witnesses several meetings on the streets, and sometimes he even feels sympathy for the Koreans, the “childish, stupid and lazy people”. After four weeks in Seoul, in vain he tries to get to the theater of war north of the Yalu river, but the Japanese want him to leave the country. At the end of January, Grebst leaves Korea with a German ship after a last farewell dinner at the German Embassy.[5]

Grebst described the Koreans thus: “their typically Mongolian faces had a calm and indifferent expression.” The women he met were “so ugly that it would have been better if they had stayed at home.” In the Emperor’s court, the Germans loaned Grebst some medals and told him to say he was a Swedish general. When asked by the courtiers what Sweden was like and why Sweden hadn’t sent any diplomats to Seoul, Grebst blustered: “I explained that Sweden was one of the largest kingdoms in Europe and that it was so powerful that it didn’t need to send diplomats to such tiny states as Korea … Its king was the world’s wisest man and wrote better verse than the Mikado. And its history was so old that in comparison Korea’s was like a newly dictated saga.”


Fortunately, Grebst’s other 1912 books were not so controversial. Jösses’ Adventure: After the English Lady [Jösses äfventyr: efter engelskan] was a child’s fairy tale. On the Ocean: Tales [På hafvet: berättelser] contained more travel stories. A Year on my Farm: Fortunes and Mishaps in the Wild West [Ett år på min farm: öden och missöden i Vilda Västern] covers part of his time living in America with his American wife (we will need to discuss that woman later).

Three new books appeared in 1913. The Adventurous Year: More Fortunes and Mishaps in the Wild West [Det äfventyrliga året: vidare öden och missöden i Vilda Västern] continued the story of his rural American life. A Honeymoon in Tierra del Fuego [En bröllopsresa i Eldslandet] is a detailed travelogue of his 1906 visit to Cape Horn with his “newlywed.” The third book was The Girl in the Tower: An Episode [Flickan i tornet: en episod].

1913 was a critical year in terms of the legacy of Willy Andersson Grebst. In the autumn of that year in Gothenburg, he founded the newspaper Vidi, its name meaning “I saw” in Latin. He would come to cherish it as “his real life’s work” and remained owner-editor until his death in 1920. Concerns about its future haunted his last days. Vidi did continue after his death, however, and today is remembered rather sadly as an anti-semitic street rag.

Grebst’s next books did not appear until 1916. South Pacific Paradise: Tales from Tahiti and Samoa [Söderhavets paradis: berättelser från Tahiti och Samoa] and Dreams and Fantasies [Drömmar och fantasier] may well have been delayed by the outbreak of World War 1 and the disruption it caused to the trade of neutral Sweden. That subject was dealt with in 1917 with the publication of Bread: A Cross Section through Society’s Spring [Bröd: tvärsnitt genom samhället våren]. Other titles that year were A Catalogue of Grunewald’s Artworks Displayed for Thinking People by W. Andersson Grebst [Katalog öfver grunewaldianska konstverk på W. Andersson Grebsts utställning för tänkande människor] and Leipää. My Little Princess [Min lilla prinsessa], a children’s book, followed in 1918.

No Grebst books were published in 1919, the penultimate year of his life. However, three titles were released posthumously in 1920: Exotic and Erotic [Exotiskt och erotiskt], Notes and Stories [Stämningar och historier] and Adventures and Tales: The Editor of Vidi narrates [Äfventyr och berättelser: vidiredaktören berättar].
In addition to this impressive twenty-year output of poetry and prose, Grebst spent at least three years of his life involved in the Swedish film industry. He is credited with writing four film scripts: The Rose on Tistel Island [Rosen på Tistelön] in 1915, Imprisoned in Karlsten Fort [Fången på Karlstens fästning] in 1916 and In Chains of Darkness [I mörkrets bojor] and For Home and Hearth [För hem och härd] both in 1917. In fact, The Rose on Tistel Island and For Home and Hearth were co-written with Georg af Klercker whom Ingmar Bergman would later hail as one of the early masters of Swedish film. Of For Home and Hearth, Grebst wrote, tongue-in-cheek, in Vidi of the film’s genesis in a drinking session at the Palace Hotel: “the thing went like this: Pelle Wigelius wanted to have a film written to present as a fundraiser for the Crown Princess’ Clothing Fund. So the good Pelle turned to Lieutenant af Klerker; Lieutenant af Klerker then turned to me; then we all turned to the grog.”[6] Both Grebst and af Klercker acted in For Home and Hearth, Grebst playing the part of shopkeeper Gustafsson and af Klercker playing Sven the farmhand. The film was directed by af Klercker and its premiere in Stockholm’s Auditorium was attended by the Crown Prince, Crown Princess and Prime Minister. According to the Swedish Film Database, Grebst wrote a bigger role for his own character than appears in the completed film. His character was originally to die a hero’s death on the battlefield but in the completed film he simply disappears from the action. It is af Klercker’s Sven who takes on the status of hero. One can imagine the battle of egos between the two writers, a battle that Grebst lost. Could this be the reason why he made no more films after 1917?

Grebst was certainly a prolific and varied writer but was he a good one? I have already stated that he never made it into any anthologies of quality Swedish literature or verse. But is that because of his writing or his now unfashionable political views? I have read a good smattering of his work but my Swedish is not fluent enough to accord my opinion any value. The most I can say is that he often tends to repetition and my instincts as a novelist mark this as a sign of fast writing. No great insight there as we already know he was renowned for being able to churn out a manuscript. He was also famous for the ascerbic wit he dished out freely in the pages of Vidi and elsewhere. One example is his attack upon the Christinae church authorities for not fixing the weathervane on top of the German Church: “The church may show the way to GOD but the weathervane on the tower points to HELL.” He certainly had a well-developed ear for comedy and the old Viking ability to spin out a good yarn. I can easily imagine that his travel books were a source of great pleasure and fascination to many Swedes locked away in their little rural parishes. Anders Källgård, who wrote his brief article about Grebst in 1991, clearly enjoyed reading the travelogues but in the end awarded him “a place amongst our pekoralister.” This is a difficult word to translate succinctly in English. A pekoralist is one who writes pretentious, bombastic trash. Was Grebst really one of those? Well … probably yes. To support his conclusion, Källgård cites one of Grebst’s erotic poems:

Med dina fingrars lystna egg mig rif.
With your fingers’ desirous urge scratch me.

Enough said, don’t you think?



[1] Bengt A. Öhnander, Göteborg Berättar Ännu Mer (Tre Böcker Förlag AB, 1992) p. 71
[2] Anders Källgård, ”Willy A:son Grebst, färgstark vagabond och pekoralist: Lefve Reselifvet! Hurra för det! Banzai!” in Vagabond 3-4/1991 p. 117
[3] Svenskt Författar-lexikon 1:1 1900-1940
[4] Peter Björkfors, “The Titanic Disaster and Images of National Identity in Scandinavian Literature” in Tim Bergfelder & Sarah Street (eds) The Titanic in Myth and Memory: Representations in Visual and Literary Culture (I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 2004) p. 53
[5] Tobias Hubinette, “Swedish Images of Korea before 1945”, Scandinavian Studies, Journal of the Scandinavian Society of Korea, 4/2003
[6] Svenska Filminstitutet, Svensk Filmdatabas, För hem och härd.